Is Fascism Dead?

Introduction

Given the failure of electoral aspirations, the ruling classes have been engaged to review its strategy to address the popular movement and advocate the overthrow of the government. The new strategic project now emerging in the opposition camp is clearly fascist. The fascist temptation is not new to the Chilean bourgeoisie. It began to dawn in 1971, by becoming "Homeland and Freedom" and started propaganda of ideas unionists. Its penetration in areas of traditional parties, in particular its youth wing, was evident when the first national strike groups and Democrats stormed the streets during the uprising of the empty pots. After a steady climb in the months of August and September 1972, the fascist movement arose to move to the assault, through October strike.

In relation to the objectives proposed, the October fascist attempt resulted in the most humiliating defeat. Moreover, opposite results begat pursuing: strengthened the unity of the working class and extended his influence over the people broke down the Christian Democrats, sharpening the contradictions between their leaders and their constituencies, and precipitated the approach that had been brewing between the military and the Unidad Popular. The error was so great that the bourgeoisie was forced to ask for time to pay: the Popular Unity granted it by the November ministerial change, but the people he introduced the bill on March 4.

Discussion

Reality, however, always has two colors. Despite its failure, fascism in October reached a new stage of development, giving birth to publicly unionist movement. The close relationship between the leaders of this and fascist organizations is not no secret, was even proclaimed by the then General Secretary of "Homeland and Freedom", Robert Thieme, who, shortly before his disappearance, told a foreign correspondent Benjamin Matte and other leading unionists are members of the political council of the organization (Adinolfi).

The ruling classes now undertake the redevelopment of its strategy. This includes, first, the unification of command of the bourgeois armies, more than ever threatened under the demoralization that affects them and the exacerbation of their differences, caused by the election results. In addition to consolidating the opposition parliamentary bloc, a prerequisite for the left can be fought at the state level, through the Parliament opposed the government, the strategic project of the bourgeoisie includes another element: the integration of unionist representing the single command, on an equal footing with the traditional parties, who must leave their claims of "blindly on the guilds prevail" and come with them to a "consortium explicit or implicit" (Singh). In subsequent statements, national leaders, as Sergio Onofre Jarpa and Juan Luis Ossa, and unions, as Jorge Fontaine, have advocated the same.

This view that disagrees with the Thieme expressed only in the sense that for "Homeland and Freedom" unionism should take priority over the traditional parties. Less hyperbolic than Mercury, Thieme put this as a necessary condition to reach "a strike or anything else" and to "tell Mr. Allende, Lord, out!" In his view, unemployment, or anything else could not be programmed "from above", but ...