UK CRIMINAL JUSTICE SYSTEM

UK Criminal Justice System

UK Criminal Justice System

PART I: CRITICAL ANALYSIS OF CRIMINAL JUSTICE SYSTEM

Introduction

Criminal justice academic programs have increased exponentially since the mid-1960s. Some estimates now surpass 900 baccalaureate programs (Newman, 1993), while others compute more conservative counts (Morn, 1995; Southerland, 2002). Regardless of the accounting system, it is evident that academic criminal justice has permeated the collegiate establishment for the duration (Clear, 2001). It is equally evident that criminal justice programs have made numerous contributions to the field of law enforcement (Remington, 1990), yet many law enforcement administrators still express reluctance to embrace the educational movement (and particularly the criminal justice degree). Despite the continued resistance, however, the recruitment of college-educated officers has intensified (Breci, 1997; Johnston et al., 2002) as a byproduct of the mounting number of college-educated law enforcement administrators (Roberg and Bonn, 2004).

Shenkman (1974, p. 68) once cautioned educational institutions that “the onus of responsibility” for persuading the law enforcement community to the value of education is on the educational system. Since that time, most criminal justice programs have abandoned the vocational models advocated in the police science era and now promote intellectual environments comparable to those of more traditional disciplines (Pearson et al., 1980). As a result of this evolving orientation, criminal justice has enhanced its academic standing and is now the degree of choice for most aspiring practitioners (Birzer and Palmiotto, 2002). Critics still abound, though, and choose instead to interpret the growing popularity as (Flanagan, 2000, p. 2) “prima facie evidence of the willingness of higher education to surrender to market demands for relevant, practical courses that provide credentials”. In light of these persistent criticisms, and recognizing the very strong resistance of many police officers, it is imperative that police managers be equipped with more than esoteric rhetoric to successfully defend policies favoring a college education. Hersey and Blanchard's (1977) “situational leadership model” demonstrates this managerial necessity. Simply stated, the “high task” requirements of college degree programs coupled with the “high relationship” context of the police structure require managers to “sell” the desired educational goal. Of course, it is difficult for police managers to “sell” college-education benefits with little more than intuition or personal experience in environments that abound with anti-education dispositions.

Criticisms of academic criminal justice

From the inception of academic criminal justice, law enforcement personnel (administrators and officers) have espoused skepticism toward the practical value of a college education (Bell, 1979; Regoli, 1976). The dual concerns focused on the necessity of a college education for the performance of routine police operations (Buracker, 1977), and a perceived lack of educational quality. Even the National Advisory Commission on Higher Education for Police Officers (1978, p. 65) reported that “much police education today is intellectually shallow and conceptually narrow”. And even though a growing portion of contemporary law enforcement are accepting the merits of criminal justice education (Roberg and Bonn, 2004; Tafoya, 1991), the credibility of criminal justice programs continues to struggle for respect within the hallowed halls of collegiate communities as a ...